Jun98

June 98: Re-arresting released people; “Microphone Licensing”

3 June, the security forces attacked Shakhoora and arrested Seyyed Taqi Marhoon Adnan, 22, Seyed Abdul Zahra Saeed Salman, 16. On 6 June, another attack was mounted against Shakhoora and the following were arrested: Haider Abd Ali Salman Al-Asfoor, 15, Sadiq Abdul Rasool Habib, 18, Mosa Jaffer Mohammed Juma’a,19 and another twelve persons from the same area.  In Hamad Town, the security forces stormed several houses and arrested Mohammed Ma’atooq Ali, 14, Ahmad Mahdi Mahfoodh, 17, Shakir Moslem Ibrahim, 16, Hussain Moslem Ibrahim, 13, Seyyed Faisal Ali Adnan, 13, Jaffer Saeed Zuhair, 13, and several other unknown children. The following were known to have been arrested towards the end of May. From Dair: Hussain Ali Own, 25. From Duraz: Abdul Razzaq Ali Hassan, 23, Ali Abdul Nabi Abdul Karim, 18.

4 and 6 June, the residents of Sanabis went out and blocked the main highway in commemoration of the martyr Abdul Zahra Ibrahiom Abdulla, who was murdered by the security forces last year. Similarly in Daih, Karbabad, and in Demestan, the citizens blocked the main highway and declared their protest.

6 June:  The following are known to have been arrested from Muqsha’a on 6 June: Hussain Hassan Ali, 17, Mahmood Ali Abdulla Mohammed Ali, 17, Abbas Jasim Mohammed, 18, Abdul Hadi Mohammed Ali, 18, Ibrahim Abdulla Mohammed Ali. 22. The last two were released after received an exhausting amount of shock-torture.

7 June: The residents of Daih went out and blocked the main highway. Similar actions were reported in Sanabis and Karzakan. Loud sounds of exploding gas cylinders were heard around the country. These activities were in commemoration of the martyrdom of Abdul Zahra Ibrahim Abdulla, 27 years old, Sanabis, who died on 6 June 1997, as a result of the severe beating he received from the security forces that attacked the residents of Sanabis on 1 June 1997.

8 June: From Bani Jamra: Ali Mohammed Ali, 22. From Jedhafs: Hussain Ahmad Mahdi, 18, his brother Ibrahim, 18, and Ali Abdul Aziz Abdulla. They were arrested on 8 June and tortured severely, in solitary confinement, for 12 days. From Duraz: Mohammed Hussain Jaffer Abu-Rowais, 20,. He is detained in Al-Budaya’a prison. From Bilad al-Qadim: Ali Abdulla Ahmad Al-Qassab, 18. From Sehla: Seyed Ali Abbas Shubbar, 16, Seyed Abbas Abdulla Al-Fardan (the head of the community).From Hamad Town: Hussain Abdulla Ahmad Marhoon, 23.

10 June, the security forces attacked Sanabis, stormed the house of Seyed Amin Ibrahim Ali, 18, tortured him severely, and released before dying in their hands. In Bilad al-Qadim. The security forces arrested Mohammed Jasim Al-Askafi, 18, and Yonis Ali Mansoor, 18. Nothing is known about their fate.

13 June, the authorities re-arrested 8 persons who had been released two weeks ago. The eight were sentenced for three years but were kept in jail for three and a half years. The persons who were summoned to the Adleya Police Station were: Seyed Ahmed Nema, Raed Al-Khawaja, Majid Milad, Jaffar Selail, Jawad Marhoon, Nizar Al-Qarea, Jaffar Al Sayah and Abbas Al-Aradi.

14 June: Ramlah Mohammed Hassan, 22, who had been arrested on 30 May was released on 14 June after payment of 500 dinar ($1335). She was tortured by security officers and was told that she would be re-arrested or be brought before the state security court.

The residents of Daih went out and blocked the main highway in a show of protest against the atrocities of the foreign security forces. Similar protests were reported in other places, such as Nuweidrat. The security forces had wiped out the pro-constitution slogans from the walls, but within a very short time, the citizens re-pained more slogans. In Zinj, Shakhoora, Karzakkan, Dar Kulaib, Demestan, Bori, Duraz, Ma’amir, and other towns and villages, the posters of the jailed leaders and martyrs as well as slogans calling for restoration of parliament.

18 June: The London -based “Al-Quds” newspaper quoted Saleh Ahmed, the lawyer defending the Bahrainis held by the Kuwaiti authorities, saying that he “anticipates that they would be released in the next appeal session, which is due on 4 July”. Mr. Ahmed said that it was a mistake to have sentenced them in the first place, as they had not broken the Kuwaiti laws.

19 June: The security forces attacked Sehla while the people were participating in a traditional religious programme. This attack is aimed at continuing the unconstitutional policy directed against the peaceful nation. The government has been engaged in a systematic crackdown against all public functions emanating from clubs, societies, professional association, mosques or community centres. Scores of people had been arbitrarily arrested from Tobli and Isa Town. Amongst those detained from Isa Town were: Faisal Abdul Majid Al-Nashabah, Abdulla Ibrahim and Ammar Al-Haddad.

20 June: In the early hours of 20 June, the security forces conducted an unwarranted raid on the houses of the citizens of Ma’amir village, as a part of a pre-planned campaign to intimidate and thus curtail the voices of discontent against the regime’s misconduct towards the citizens. The aggressive raid on Ma’amir has brought destruction to several houses’ contents and the assault on a large number of its residents. One of the worst hit houses was Haj Jawad Ahmed Al Shuwaikh’s house where they completely ruined its contents and pushed his son Jalal off the house’s roof. Jalal is under critical condition in Salmaniya hospital and no investigation has been filed in an apparent daylight cover up for the perpetrators. Several residents of the village have been arrested amongst them were: Isa Ahmed Al Sha’ir, 23, Farid Ahmed Al Sha’ir, 28, Abdulla Al Shuwaikh, 22.

22 June:   The following are known to have been arrested; From Sitra: six children aged 7 (amongst them Khalil Ali bin Ali, 7 years old) were detained in mid June and tortured for one day. Abbas Hussain Dhraboh, 22, from Sitra had been arrested following the ransacking of his parent’s house several time in search for their son. The following persons from Abu-Saiba’a: Fuad Hassan Abdulla, 22, Taqi Ahmad Salman, 21, Ismail Hasan Salman, 21, Hamza Saeed Zuhair, 18, have all completed their jail term of three years (completed in March 1998) but had not been released.  Abdul Jalil Ali Al-Nakkas, 48, father of eight children, from Al-Salheyya, has spent two years in jail without any charges. His family had been denied their breadwinner as part of the collective punishment programmes adopted by the interior ministry.

23 June:Hussain Khamis, 24, was re-arrested. He had already spent more than a year without charges and trial.

23 June: It was reported by local press on 23 June that “ten people (Africans, Europeans, Latin Americans and Arabs) have been arrested and imprisoned in Paris for their role in counterfeiting BD20 notes”. The police said that they had been able to seize forged BD20 notes worth $8 million last week. Bahrain Monetary Agency had issued a statement on 8 June, warning people of the existence of bogus BD20 notes in the country. The announcement created havoc in the market and amongst the people.

The security forces attacked a house in Jabalt Habshi on 23 June and arrested a 14-year old child, Mahmood Ahmad Ali Makki. The child was held until 1 July and had been subjected to torture. Another person from Jedhafs, Hasan Khamis Yousif Al-Khuneizi, 16, was arrested and remained in detention.

24 June: The local newspapers reported that the prime minister decided to go ahead with this plan (which he abandoned in the mid-1980s) to construct a bridge linking the Hawar Islands with the main Bahrain Island. The sovereignty of Hawar Islands is being disputed between Qatar and Bahrain and the International Court in The Hague is continuing to hear the case. The prime minister also intends to construct a town in south east of Bahrain (at the start of the planned bridge) and to name it “Madinat Khalifa”, after his initial name. The government has imported between 8000-10,000 families (about 40,000 – 50,000 population) from the Syrian desert in an attempt to change the demography of the country. Many more families are being imported and the government plans for constructing houses are reserved for this evil-minded programme.

Not a single day passes without a citizen is being arrested for politically motivated activities. Whether the citizen is active or not has no bearing on what sort of treatment he receives. Ordinary respected and dignified citizens are being singled out everyday for intimidation and humiliation by the security forces. Human rights became human wrongs under the State security Law in Bahrain. These people are known to have been arrest lately: on 24 June,Ilyas Abdulla Ahmed Marhoon, 24, from Buday’a, Hussain Abdulla Ahmed Marhoon, 23, from Hamad Town, and on 23 June, Abdul Wahab Abdul Karim Al Shuwaikh, 23, Mahdi Saeed Jasim, 29, from Barbar. He was arrested on his King Fahad’s causeway on his way to Bahrain. Later on, his two brothers ( Hussain, 20, Ridah, 19) have been arrested and subjected to torture where highly induced electric instruments had been used. The two brothers were then released but Mahdi still suffers in detention.

27 June: The four chambers of the State Security Court, presided by members of the Al-Khalifa ruling family, handed down arbitrary sentences against a number of Bahrainis following prolonged detentions and torture. The trial for a group of 16 people was adjourned until September. Those sentenced on 27 June included: Ibrahim Yousif Abdul Rasool Hamadi, four years jail, Mohamed Abdul Karim Ali Jawad, 3 years, Mahdi Ahmad Ali Salman, 3 years, Fadhil Abdulla Abdul Karim Ali Jawad, 3 years, Abdulla Isa Ibrahim Al-Mahhari, 3 years, Hussain Mirza Hamza, 1 year, Abdul Ellah Mahdi Hussain Hamada, 1 year. Another group: Ahmad Hassan Ali Al-Ajami, 1 year jail; Raadhi Abdulla Khalfan, 1 year; Ali Hassan Al-Hayki; 15 months jail; Mohammed Ibrahim Ahmad Al-Hayki, 15 months. Another group comprised the following: Abdul Aziz Salman Abdulla, 1 year; Ahmad Mansoor Hassan Sha’aban, 1 year; Hani Hamza Yousif Mohammed Hussain, 1 year; Salman Ibrahim Abdulla Hassan Al-Haddad, 1 year; Ali Ja’afer Abdul Hussain Al-Qassab, 1 year, Abdul Adhim Abdul Hadi Rajab, acquitted. All these people have been detained for more than all the periods they were sentenced to. No one has been released yet.

Barbar was also attacked on 27 June and the following were arrested from their bedrooms: Seyed Abdul-Ellah Hashim Al-Wedaei, 21, Adel Abdulla Fardan, Al-Shuweikh, 23, Hassan Hamza Yousif, 23. In Bilad al-Qadim, the security forces arrested Yousif Hussain Ali,17.

Early in the month, Aqeel Ahmad Mahfoodh, from Sar, returned to Bahrain from Syria. The authorities detained him in the airport prison for three days and then deported him to Syria.

28 June: The security forces snatched Haj Mohammed Ali Al-Qare’a, 55, from the doorstep of his house in Daih. He is being held as a hostage to force his son, Nizar Al-Qare’a, to hand himself to the torturers. Nizar was released a month ago after staying three and a half years in jail, six months more than the sentence passed against him in 1995. Nizar was one of eight people, all of who were re-arrested shortly after their release from detention.

On 28 June, Robert Fisk, the well Known British Journalist has won the 1998 Amnesty International Award for his diligent defence of human rights in the middle east. The Independent on Sunday has published Mr. Fisk’s speech in which he recalled the defaming campaign launched by the Bahraini regime against him whenhe started to investigate the human rights situation in Bahrain. Mr. Fisk said ” reporters have to be thick skinned. Journalists must take the rough with the smooth, but we should not ignore our enemies- those who will malign our work or character in order to shut us up. For investigating the torture chambers run under the command of the former British special branch officer Ian Henderson in Bahrain, a Bahraini newspaper compared me to a rabid dog. Rabid dogs, you will remember, have to be put down.”.

29 June: People around the country commemorated the occasions of several martyrs. Sheikh Ali Al-Nachas, a blind person, 50 years old, Bilad Al-Qadim, died in custody on 29 June 1997 due to ill-treatment and denial of medical treatment. Ali Taher, 17, from Sitra, was shot dead by the security forces on 2 July 1996. Saeed Al-Eskafi, 16, from Nuaim, was killed under torture on 8 July 1995. Commemorations of the martyrs proliferated in many places such as Sanabis, Daih, Duraz, Karzakkan, Demestan, Malkeya, Shahrakkan, Bilad al-Qadim, Sitra , Hamad Town, Dair. The people called for the punishment of torturers, such as Khalid Al-Wazzan, who had had been implicatin the killing of citizens.

30 June: The local papers reported that the cabinet will be issuing a law restricting or banning the use of microphones in public places. This action is aimed at codifying the dictatorial policy which has been imposed on the people for at least two years. Security forces have consistently stormed religious assembly halls and mosques to order switching off the microphones. This policy is aimed at restricting the freedom of people from practicing their religion and is aimed at clamping down on potentiality of the community to congregate. 

Towards the end of June, the security forces in Bori attacked and arrested the following children: Maitham Ahmad Mansoor, 14, Ahmad Abdulla Juma, 14, Seyed Jaffer Baqir Mohamed, 14, Ali Mohammed Kadhim, 14.

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Other Misc. News

 Violations of human rights continued unabated with the security forces attacking several residential areas in the past week. Scores of people were arbitrarily arrested or re-arrested.

 When the Red Cross visited Bahrain last month, the interior ministry was forced to release many of those who had been in jail after completing their terms or without any justification. Soon after the Red Cross left the country, the security forces rounded up those who had been released.

 Residents of Karzakkan, Demestan and Bori protested against the violation of the security forces. Burnt tyres blocked the highway in the region following several nights of tension in the area.

From Bani Jamra: Ali Mohammed Ali, 22. From Jedhafs: Hussain Ahmad Mahdi, 18, his brother Ibrahim, 18, and Ali Abdul Aziz Abdulla. They were arrested on 8 June and tortured severely, in solitary confinement, for 12 days. From Duraz: Mohammed Hussain Jaffer Abu-Rowais, 20,. He is detained in Al-Budaya’a prison. From Bilad al-Qadim: Ali Abdulla Ahmad Al-Qassab, 18. From Sehla: Seyed Ali Abbas Shubbar, 16, Seyed Abbas Abdulla Al-Fardan (the head of the community).From Hamad Town: Hussain Abdulla Ahmad Marhoon, 23.

These security courts have been condemned by all human rights organisations for their failure to meet any minimal standard for a fair trail. There are many people who are sentenced by this court, who complete their jail terms, but stay in jail. Even if a person is found to be innocent, he could stay in jail. An example of such a case is the one related to the burning of a shop in Jedhafs in early 1995. Six people remain in jail despite the fact that the security court said on 1 June 1998 that the six were innocent. The persons are Abbas Yaquob Yousif Ahmad, Abdul Amir Mohammed Mahdi Al-Gas, Saeed Isa Ali Al-Hammar, Aqeel Yehya Al-Qallaf, Abbas Isa Ali Hassan Al-Hammar, and Adnan Majid Al-Saffar. The latter was recently released because the security officers feared his imminent death due to the torture he received.

 The interior ministry re-arrested people who had been released recently after completion of their prison terms. Mr. Majid Milad, from Ras-Romman, was re-arrested on 13 June. He has just been released following the completion and over-staying his prison term. He was arrested in January 1995, and had been sentenced for three years. He spent three and half years (six months above the jail sentence). This re-arrest comes to prove how Bahrain has been transformed into a playground for savagery andtotal disregard for all civilised norms.

 Alongside Mr. Milad, other persons had been summoned by the interior ministry and nothing is known about them. Nizar Al-Qare’a, Raed Al-Khawajah and Sayed Ahmed were summoned on 15 June and their fate is not known. All these person had completed and overstayed their prison terms.

 The State Security Court presided by members of the ruling family, continued violating the Constitution of Bahrain and all international conventions. On 13 June, several groups were dragged to appear before the kangaroo court. Ten people (out of the group of 16) are expected to be sentenced on 27 June. There was also a group comprising 18 people, all are from the small village of Jannossan.

 The court also had summoned the following people: Salman Al-Haddad, 46, Sadiq Abdul Aziz, 29, Hani Hamza, 29, Abdul Adhim Rajab, 42, Ahmad Mansoor, 35, and Ali Al-Qassab, 33, as well as two ladies: Jamila Salman, and Khadija Al-Daqqaq. It is expected that the group might receive the arbitrary sentences on 20 June.

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Amir’s visit to US: Abuse of Bahrainis must stop

A leading story on the front page of Al-Quds Al-Arab on 5 June reported the statement of an American PR consultant who said “the Bahraini government does not know how to present its image to the world”.

Al-Quds said this implies that the Bahraini government had employed an American PR company to polish the image of the Amir which has been “smeared by the practices against democratic freedoms to the extent that there was not a single human rights organization which did not denounce or cirtiticise the Bahrain giovernment”. Despite all this, the foreign minister, Sheikh Mohammed bin Mubarak Al-Khalifa said in a press conference on 2 June in Washington DC that “his government had appointed a Consultative Council four years ago”. But he did not mention to the journalists that his government had disbanded the elected parliament in 1975″. The minister added in a reply to a question about the democratic representation in his country saying “do not expect from us to be like Sweden or Denmark. This is a matter that does not apply to us and its is difficult to exist in our country”.

The Amir had not been well received and had not been honoured as a head of a state. And to compensate for this fiasco, six American leading companies with interest in the Gulf area, hosted a dinner for him. These include Caltex, Turner, Lockhead, City Bank, and Chevron. Several Arab Ambassadors told Al-Quds that the meeting did not exceed 15 minutes between entry to and exit from the hall. It was just to shake hands with Amir without spelling any word.

Mr. Hanny Megally, of Human Rights Watch issued a letter on 29 May, to the US President and the Secretary Albright urging them to raise Bahrain’s poor human rights record saying, “the government of Bahrain routinely denies most fundamental civil rights and liberties”.

Mr. McCurry (speaking for the US State Department) said on 1 June: “The President’s productive working session with the Emir of Bahrain continues, and we’ll have a long and lengthy readout of the meeting at the conclusion”. Conclusions are still unknown

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 Amir Visit to the US

Press Releases by Amnesty International 2 June 1998

BAHRAIN: HUMAN RIGHTS SHOULD NOT BE SACRIFICED IN THE NAME OF SECURITY

On the eve of the state visit of the Amir of Bahrain, Shaikh ‘Issa bin Salman Al Khalifa, Amnesty International USA renews its concerns about ongoing human rights violations in the Gulf state. “Security cannot be built on human rights violations,” the organization said today.

Bahrain has experienced an eruption of widespread protests since December 1994, when people began calling on the government to restore democratic rights by allowing the National Assembly to reconvene and to respect the country’s constitution. The Bahraini Government, stating that “extremist” elements have been responsible for acts of violence, has responded by clamping down heavily on all opposition.

Authorities have used the Law on State Security Measures to repress freedom of speech and religion; freedom of the ; and the right to public and private assembly. Several thousand men, women and children have been arrested and held without charge or trial. Hundreds of detainees arrested in connection with these protests have been sentenced following unfair trials. Torture and ill-treatment of detainees has become systematic and widespread, and there have been several deaths in custody. In a recent report on unfair trials in the Middle East, Amnesty International stated that the procedures followed by the State Security Court have resulted in manifestly unfair trials; the court routinely violated not only human rights conventions, but also the Bahraini Constitu.

In one case, Bahraini authorities are continuing to detain Shaikh ‘Abd al-‘Amir Mansur al-Jamri, a prominent Muslim Shi’a scholar and writer who was a member of the National Assembly before it was dissolved by the Amir in 1975. Shaikh al-Jamri has been detained without charge or trial since January 22, 1996. Amnesty International fears that he is at risk of torture; he has reportedly been subjected to ill-treatment, and his health is believed to have deteriorated.

“It is time for Bahrain to accept that a government’s legitimate right to maintain security can only be carried out with due respect for human rights,” Amnesty International USA said. “The United States should make it clear that we will not condone human rights violations by our allies.”

C. Anne Massagee

Middle East Coordination Group

Amnesty International USA

http://www.amnesty-usa.org/mideast

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 Los Angeles Times

Wednesday, June 3, 1998

Home Edition

Page: B-7

Another Powder Keg in the Persian Gulf;

Bahrain: The U.S. must support democratic reforms in this autocratic nation that is home base to the Fifth Fleet;

By: GRAHAM E. FULLER

Graham Fuller, the former vice chairman of the National Intelligence Council at the CIA, has recently completed a book on the Arab Shia

The ongoing agonies of Indonesia bring home once again the dangers of complacency in watching authoritarian regimes violate political and human rights over the years, eventually resulting in an explosion that can hurt everybody. Bahrain is another such case waiting to happen.

While the emir of Bahrain, Sheik Isa ibn Salman Khalifa, is in Washington this week for a state visit, what kind of message will he get? Unlike Indonesia, Bahrain is only one smallish island, sitting in the middle of the Persian Gulf. But its deteriorating situation deserves attention by Washington policymakers. Stronger action now in favor of reforms may avert a more serious explosion later in that critical region.

Bahrain matters to the U.S. because it is home base to the Fifth Fleet. It is also a major offshore banking and financial center; it has always been one of the more liberal and open Arab states toward foreigners. Its population is two-thirds Shiite. But Bahrain is dominated by a Sunni Muslim ruling family that runs the country like a personal fiefdom. Becall news coming out of Bahrain is subject to tight government control–most foreign correspondents have been expelled–it is not widely known that Bahrain is undergoing its own mini-intifada, a smoldering ongoing revolt of the majority of the population who happen to be Arab Shiite Muslims.

Since the invasion of the Sunni Khalifas in the 18th century, the Shia have largely been treated as a subclass, even though occasional tame Shiite ministers are brought into the Cabinet in nonsensitive positions.

In 1975, the Khalifas decided that the elected Parliament was flexing its muscles too vigorously in trying to hold the ruling family to the constitution. The Parliament was closed and never reopened. As the U.S. State Department 1997 Human Rights report on Bahrain indicates, “Citizens do not have the right or ability peacefully to change their government or their political system, and political activity is strictly controlled by the government.”

Shiite grievances have been building for a long time. The government allows rich Sunni merchants to import tens of thousands of cheap laborers from South Asia, taking jobs away from native Shia. There is no freedom of the press to write about these grievances. In 1991, the Shia combined with Sunni liberals in a petition campaign to ask the Khalifas to reopen the 1975 Parliament and implement the constitution. The Khalifas quashed the campaign and played on Sunni fears by calling it “Shiite extremism.” Inevitably demonstrations and disorders broke out, which the regime attempts to stifle but has never contained.

What is striking about this intifada is the relative lack of bloodshed due to a basically moderate political culture of Bahrain over the years. Stones, Molotov cocktails and burning tires, not firearms, have been the main weapons, and only 40 people have been killed since the intifada began four years ago. Inevitably there have been a few Shiite radicals who have gone off to Iran for ideological training, but most of the Shiite opposition movement, including its clerics, do not associate with Iran and have called strictly for the secular goals of reopening the Parliament and the holding of elections. A number of Sunni liberals who have not been sufficiently intimidated by the government support the call.

In the meantime, efficient British (usually ex-colonial) security officers serve to keep the political lid on for the Khalifas, with the help of imported police and militia members who have few compunctions about publicly cracking heads of Shiite protesters. Large parts of the island are under virtual garrison rule to keep political protest limited to Shiite ghettos and out of the international spotlight. Economic conditions in these areas are poor.

So far, the Shia of Bahrain have not been anti-American, despite U.S. public support for Bahrain’s rulers. But U.S. public disregard for violations of this sort surely will lead the Shiite movement in the direction of greater radicalism. Is it subversive to call for restoration of a once free Parliament? If the U.S. does not live up to its democratic ideals, how will the Shia react when they do eventually gain power as the majority?

The visit of the emir is a good time to address this question. We can’t let every authoritarian ruler in the region simply invoke the word “terrorism” as the catch-all label for any political opposition. Serious violations of democratic and human rights are involved with real consequences for U.S. interests and regional stability. U.S. pressure has brought dramatic and encouraging liberalization in Kuwait over the past six years. Let Bahrain be next or else face an inflammatory Gulf.

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Arming dictators

British Government Queestioned:

The Honourable Lord Avebury asked Her Majesty’s (British) Government “what information they have been given by the Government of Bahrain about the reasons for recruitment of foreigners into their police and armed forces, and the naturalisation of those foreigners and their families; whether they have checked to see whether any of the arms licensed for export from the United Kingdom to Bahrain are to be used by units in which these foreigners serve or may serve; and whether they expect to train any of the those units”. [Ref: HL2259]

A British Government’s spokesperson (Baroness Symons of Vernham Dean) replied on 25 June saying, “As in other GCC states, a large percentage of Bahrain’s workforce is expatriate. We understand that the Bahraini Government employs a number of foreign nationals in its police and armed forces. Quires about their recruitment and nationality status are a matter for the Bahraini authorities.

All export licences applications are carefully considered against a wide range of criteria. Equipment has been licensed for export to all units of Bahraini security forces, including the Bahrain Defence Force and the Bahrain National Guard, whose forces have received some training from the Ministry of Defence. We have not provided any police training in Bahrain”.

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No Labour Rights in Bahrain

In Geneva, on 18 June, the Bahraini government’s delegation refused to vote in favour of an ILO (International Labour Organisation) pact for protecting workers’ rights. Nevertheless, ILO countries adopted – through majority voting – a political declaration pledging to protect workers’ basic rights. The pact aims to protect the right to form and join trade unions and bargain collectively, to eliminate forced labour, end discrimination in employment and to bring about the effective abolition of child labour. It creates a follow-up mechanism for members to report back on their compliance with these core labour standards. The refusal of the Bahrain government is reflective of its violation of the Bahraini Constitution as well as all international civilised standards for basic rights. The adoption of the pact is now mandatory and the government will be made accountable for its continued refusal to allow for labour unions.

* INTERNATIONAL CONFEDERATION OF FREE TRADE UNIONS (ICFTU) on Bahrain

ICFTU Annual Survey of Violations of Trade Union Rights – Issued on 9 June 1998

BAHRAIN: Trade unions are banned in Bahrain. The partially-suspended 1973 constitution recognises the right to organise, but the labour law makes no mention of this right, nor of the rights to bargain collectively and strike.

Few strikes take place. The 1974 Security Law forbids strikes, which would undermine the existing relationship between employer and employees or damage the economic health of the country.

The law allows for a system of Joint Management-Labour Consultative Councils (JCCs) which can only be set up with government permission.

Workers’ representatives on the JCCs are elected at the workplace. They are not allowed to hold meetings or campaign for election. Although they represent workers’ interests in discussions with management, they can only act as advisors and have no real power to negotiate or bargain. The Ministry of the Interior can exclude worker candidates from standing for election to the JCCs.

There are JCCs in twelve major state-controlled industries and four in the private sector. It is reported that the government wants JCCs in more large companies, although in some cases the JCCs are said to be becoming more effective than the government would like.

The elected worker members of the JCCs vote by secret ballot for the eleven executive members of the General Committee of Bahraini Workers (GCBW), which was set up in 1983 to co-ordinate and oversee the joint councils. It cannot recruit members or collect membership fees and the Ministry of Labour must approve its internal rules.

Bahrain depends heavily on labour from other countries, particularly India, Pakistan and the Philippines. More than two-thirds of the workforce are expatriates. These workers are under-represented in the joint council system.

The GCBW can hear grievances from both Bahraini and foreign workers and can assist them in bringing these to court, or to the attention of the Ministry of Labour. However, the political climate makes this difficult. The official government policy is to try and replace the low-paid Asian expatriate workers with Bahraini nationals.

The government has not yet responded to a 1995 request from the GCBW for a change in the labour law to allow trade unions. The Ministry of Labour has always kept a close eye on the GCBW, and there is evidence that the government has tightened up its surveillance and is tapping the organisation’s telephone.

During the year, the GCBW approached textile employers to discuss working conditions for women in the industry. The Ministry of Labour told the GCBW that it was not their function to do this and they must not do it again.

Some officials of the JCCs and the GCBW have been harassed, arrested and detained for several months without charge or trial, or had their passports taken away by the authorities because of their trade union activities. At the end of the year there were reports of a government clamp-down on the GCBW.

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Los Angeles Times

Tuesday, June 16, 1998

Conservative Neighbors Are a Boon to Bahrain

Tourism: The Persian Gulf island nation finds niche as getaway spot for visitors from stricter Muslim states.

By ADNAN MALIK, Associated Press

MANAMA, Bahrain–Traffic is crawling bumper-to-bumper across the King Fahd Causeway from Saudi Arabia. Bars and restaurants are busily setting tables, putting beer on ice and checking sound systems. It’s the weekend, and Bahrain is cashing in on its niche in the Persian Gulf tourist market.

Visitors are not drawn to Bahrain by natural beauty or historic sites, but by a social climate far more relaxed than in the island’s conservative neighbors. Liquor is sold at bars, nightclubs and stores, and socializing openly between the sexes is unrestricted.

Thanks to the 15-mile causeway that links Bahrain to oil-rich Saudi Arabia, it has become a close-to-home escape for a region dominated by strict Muslim traditions.

“It’s a great place to get away from everything. There’s a great social atmosphere . . . and people are very friendly,” says Jassim, a 25-year-old Saudi who often drives to Bahrain on weekends. Sipping his sixth can of Foster’s beer, Jassim asks that only his first name be used.

It’s not just Saudis who come. Other visitors are from Kuwait, Qatar, Oman and the United Arab Emirates. Westerners who work in Gulf nations–oilmen, diplomats and business people–also use the island for a getaway.

With a long history as a trading outpost and a British colony until 1971, Bahrain has always been more open to other cultures and more relaxed socially than its insular neighbors. And conservatism never took root because of a very strong leftist movement in the 1940s and ’50s.

Saudi Arabia’s conservative leaders don’t comment on the goings-on offshore, seeing Bahrain as a social safety valve. Saudis who travel to Manama, and elsewhere in the world, can indulge without worry in behavior deemed to be vices back home–as long as they keep a low profile. Bahrain helps out by making it illegal to take photographs inside its bars and nightclubs. The result is a tourism business that brings in about $450 million a year, or about 9% of the island’s economic activity. With its oil fields expected to run dry by 2000, Bahrain also has built up a regional banking industry and is trying to develop manufacturing as well.

The King Fahd Causeway, nfor the Saudi monarch, proved a major boost to tourism when it opened in 1986, says Kadhim Rajab, assistant undersecretary for tourism affairs. Just fewer than 100,000 people used the causeway the first year, but now more than 2 million visitors drive onto the island annually, he says. More than 60% of the 2.7 million tourists in 1996 were from Saudi Arabia.

Since the causeway opened, more than 20 hotels have been built, putting the total number at 62, seven of them luxury five-star hotels. Rajab says more are planned. There have been snags. Tourism is down slightly from a peak in 1994, when Shiite Muslims began a campaign of violence to press demands for democratic reform and a greater economic role. Shiites are a slight majority among Bahrainis, but the royal family is from Islam’s Sunni sect.

The insurgency, which resulted in more than 40 deaths, included several small bombings at hotels and restaurants. But Nicholas van Marken, an expert on the leisure business for Arthur Andersen consultants, says tourism has been rebounding as the violence subsides. He says occupancy rates at the five leading hotels averaged 62% last year, compared with 52% in 1996.

Bahrain’s cosmopolitan atmosphere means women can swim or sunbathe in Western-style swimsuits at the hotels. Stores in Manama and the well-stocked airport duty-free shops carry the latest European fashions. A whole entertainment industry has grown up along the city’s Exhibition Road. Bars have bands and singers from the Philippines, India and Lebanon, or deejays spinning dance music. Restaurants range from American fast food to Mexican to Italian. Some foreign women have written to newspapers complaining about being mistaken for one of the numerous Russian prostitutes who have come to the island. But police are quick to clamp down on rowdiness, and Manama is no wide-open Sin City. The country also is trying to promote non-entertainment attractions.

Rajab, the tourism official, says the government is spending millions to restore the island’s historical sites. Bahrain is known for hundreds of burial mounds believed to date from the civilization of Dilmun 5,000 years ago and for its colorful past of pearl diving and building dhows, the wooden boats that ply the gulf. But those attractions are not of primary interest to many visitors. “One more Foster’s, please,” Jassim, the Saudi weekend tourist, shouts to a bartender at the packed Barnaby Joe’s nightclub.

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Extracts from AI Report for 1998: Bahrain’s human rights records worsens

Several hundred people were reportedly arrested during the year in connection with anti-government demonstrations. The vast majority of those arrested were Shi’a Muslims, among them prisoners of conscience, who were held for short periods and then released without charge. Eight religious and political leaders, all prisoners of conscience, remained held without charge or trial throughout the year. At least 36 political prisoners were convicted and sentenced to prison terms by the State Security Court following unfair trials. Torture and ill-treatment of detainees continued to be reported and two detainees died in circumstances suggesting that torture or medical neglect may have contributed to their deaths. Three people sentenced to death in 1996 remained under sentence of death. Several Bahraini nationals were banned from turning to the country.

Widespread anti-government protests, which erupted in December 1994, continued during the year (see Amnesty International) Reports 1995 to 1997). As in previous years, protesters demanded the reinstatement of the National Assembly, which was dissolved by the Amir, Shaikh Issa bin Salman Al Khalifa, in 1975; the restoration of the country’s 1973 constitution; and the release of political prisoners. The authorities responded with mass arrests of protesters and other suspected government opponents, especially in the Shi’a Muslim districts of Jidd Hafs, Sitra and al-Sanabis. Several arson attacks targeted restaurants, hotels and shops resulting in the deaths of seven foreign nationals. Among them were four Indian nationals, including two children, who died in June when a shop was set ablaze in al-Manama.

In August the UN Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities adopted a resolution and expressed its “deep concern about the alleged gross and systematic violations of human rights in Bahrain”. It urged the government to comply with international human rights standards.

Several hundred people, mostly Shi’a Muslims, were reportedly arrested during the year in connection with anti-government protests. Most of them were detained for short periods and then released without charge. However, over a thousand detainees, including prisoners of conscience, were believed to remain held without charge or trial at the end of the year. Most were administratively detained under a state security law which permits the Minister of the Interior to detain individuals without charge or trial for up to three years. They included Shaikh ‘Abd al-Amir al-Jamri and ‘Abd al-Wahab Hussain ‘Ali, who, along with six other prominent Shi’a Muslim religious and political leaders, were arrested in 1996 (see Amnesty International Report 1997). All eight were prisoners of conscience.

In February ‘Ali Hassan Yusuf, a well-known Shi’a Muslim writer and poet, was arrested at his home in Jidd Hafs; he was a prisoner of conscience. His arrest and simultaneous dismissal from his job at the Ministry of Information were believed to be connected with the publication of a book of his poems entitled Isharat (symbols), which was reportedly banned by the authorities for indirectly criticizing the government. He was released in April without charge or trial.

In March Sayyid Jalal Sayyid ‘Alawi Sayyid Sharaf was arrested at his home in al-Duraz, reportedly on suspicion of transmitting information about the internal situation in Bahrain to persons abroad. He was believed to be held incommunicado in the al-Qal’a compound in al-Manama, where he was reportedly tortured during interrogation. By the end of the year, Sayyid Jalal Sayyid ‘Alawi Sayyid Sharaf was said to be still held without charge or trial in al-Muharraq; he was reportedly allowed family visits.

A number of women were also arrested during the year in connection with the political unrest. In March four young women – Ahlam al-Sayyid Mahdi Hassan al-Sitri, Amal Ahmed Rabi’, Maryam Ahmad Ali Bilway and Laila Abd al-Nabi Rabi’- were among a number of people arrested in the village of Sitra after participating in a non-violent demonstration held in commemoration of ‘Issa Ahmad Qambar, who was executed in 1996. (see Amnesty International Report 1997). The four women, all prisoners of conscience, were released without charge or trial after having reportedly been held incommunicado for over two weeks at a police station in Madinat ‘Issa. Scores of minors and children were arrested, the majority during anti government demonstrations.

In March trials began before the State Security court of 81 defendants on charges including involvement in an alleged Iranian-backed coup to overthrow the government, membership of a prohibited organization and illegal possession of firearms. The trials, which were held in camera, were manifestly unfair. Twenty-two of the defendants were tried in absentia. Thirty-six were xonvicted and sentenced to prison terms ranging from three to 15 years. They included Jassim Hassan Mansur al-Khayyat and ‘Ali Kadhem ‘Abd ‘Ali al-Mutaqawwi, who were sentenced to 12 and 15 years’ imprisonment, respectively, for their alleged involvement in a conspiracy with a foreign state to carry out acts hostile to Bahrain; and Ja’far Hassan Sahwan and Ghazi Radhi al-Abed, who had been forcibly returned to Bahrain from the United Arab Emirates in 1996 (see Amnesty International Report 1997), and had been denied access to relatives and defence lawyers until the start or their trials. Some of them were convicted on the basis of uncorroborated confessions which had reportedly been extracted as a result of torture.

There were continuing reports of systematic torture and ill-treatment of detainees arrested in connection with the political unrest, especially during the initial period of interrogation in the custody of police or security personnel when torture was commonly used to extract information from detainees. ….. Full text available from Ai

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Budget deficit declared

The finance minister Ibrahim Abdel-Karim said on 7 June that the 1998 budget deficit is expected to be 80 million dinars ($212 million). On 26 May, the same minister reported that the budget had a surplus of 2.2 million dinars ($5.8 million). The deficit of 80 million dinars amounts to 3% of gross domestic product (Projected 1998 income = 630 million dinars, and spending = 705 million dinars.

 Bahrain produces 40,000 barrels per day from in-shore fields and receives (since 1996) the entire production of 140,000 bpd from an offshore oil field (Abo Sa’afa) it shares with Saudi Arabia. Before 1996, Bahrain received 75,000 bpd from Abo Sa’afa, but income was not registered in the budget. In 1996, Saudi Arabia informed international circles that the government of Bahrain receives oil income of 140,000 bpd. This was aimed at curbing the escape of income to unchecked “private pockets”. Also, the UAE offered financial assistance to spend 1.15 billion dinars on development projects in the next five years. They include a power and water plant to produce 250 megawatts of eleand 30 million gallons a day of water, a port [in Hidd], a new hospital and several new schools. Reuters reported hat “Bahrain is expected to borrow 70 million dinars from Arab and Islamic funds to finance its infrastructure programmes this year”.

The Finance minister declined to say whether the interior ministry would stop importing Bedouins from the Syrian desert who are now numbered between 40-45 thousands (between 8,000 – 10,000 families). The government provides free accommodation and monthly salaries of 500 dinars ($1,325) for each family. These are draining the resources.

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June 1998 (Editorial)

The fall of Suharto serves as a reminder;

Political reform must be contemplated seriously

The United Arab Emirates has recently been engaged in efforts to mediate between Qatar and Bahrain in relation to the border dispute involving Hawar islands. Those efforts are positive signs that there is a feeling, at least in certain quarters of the Gulf, for the need to end the cold war in the region. Whether the governments of Bahrain and Qatar will respond favourably to UAE initiative or not is the key question.

Last year the UAE president himself, Sheikh Zayed Bin Sultan Al Nahyan took personal interest in the issue of Bahrain’s internal political crisis and tried to mediate between the opposition and the senior members of the Al Khalifa ruling family. The later refused to cooperate and the Prime Minister unashamedly brought the initiative to a halt by staging a kangaroo court for some exiled members of the opposition. The recent UAE mediation comes at a time when the problems in the region seems to have become more serious as the oil prices continued to stumble in the world market. The Al Khalifa feel that money is one weapon to counter ever- growing popular demand for a serious reform of the political system.

They have blackmailed the business community to stay away from the political movement and have used bribes at a large scale to buy off some journalists and political figures. They even attempted to bribe human rights organisations in Geneva in August last year.

The fall in oil prices has become a serious hindrance in this process, and the Al Khalifa are fearful that their leverage over certain sectors within the society may be seriously affected. They still need to please the UAE so that financial help continue to flow into “some” pockets. The UAE president had reportedly become furious when the Bahrain’s Premier killed his initiative for solving the internal poltical crisis. This time the stakes are too high for the Prime Minister to enrage Sheikh Zayed. At the same time it is difficult to see how this initiative could succeed when the basic ingredients of success are not existent. It is hard to see how Bahrain’s Premier could moderate his stubborn and destructive policies.

Political observers believe that, apart from Bahrain, the Gulf Cooperation Council countries are serious in their endeavour to create a peaceful climate in the Gulf. One of the pre-requisites for stability is a coherent internal policy which is absent in the case of Bahrain. Saudi Arabia, the largest of the GCC states have shown seriousness in its dealings with the political situation in the Gulf. It has gone to a great length in improving its relations with Iran. Last month visits to Teheran by both the foreign Minister and the Minister of Awqaf and Islamic Affairs have re-affirmed the Saudi commitment to improve the relations between the coasts of the Gulf, a move that has been greatly appreciated by the people of the region.

It is also reported that the political efforts to bring about settlements of the dispute between the UAE and Iran with regards to the three islands in the Gulf, are making a headway. Iran’s foreign Minister’s visit to Abu Dhabi has contributed to enhance the chances of a real breakthrough in the ongoing dispute. If those efforts are successful, the most serious obstacles in the relation between Iran and the GCC states will be removed.

Iraq remains a sour problem. However the recent stance by Saudi Arabia and the UAE with regards to Baghdad Have contributed to reduce the tension in the region and prevented another attack on Iraq by the American-led forces. But the Iraqi crisis will remain as long as Saddam Hussain remains in power. The lack of a serious political reform in Iraq over the past two decades has led to the chaos engulfing the country. On the other hand, the GCC states want Saddam to leave the scene altogether so that a calmer atmosphere in the Gulf leads to more stability. However, Saddam removal could lead to one of three possible outcomes. Another dictator may take over and the expected stability may never materialize. Secondly, Iraq may become fragmented into three statelets for the Kurds, the Shia and the Sunni, a development that could lead to destruction and more instability in the region. Thirdly, a more democratic regime in Iraq will start the ball rolling in the region towards democracy and internal political reforms.

All of these outcomes are dangerous from the perspective of the political leadership in the Gulf. It is therefore important that a new situation in the region must develop in such a way that internal political openness is becomes a necessity that is inescapable. The ongoing efforts to reform the bilateral relations between the countries of the region are positive and constructive. But a more serious endeavour is required for a lasting peace and stability in the troubled, but vital region of the Gulf.

The internal political crisis in Bahrain is an example of the fragility of the political situation in the region. It cannot be contained by the mere use of force and repression. Financial inducement may help the government to strengthen its position but it cannot defeat the reform process.

The fall of Suharto of Indonesia serves as a reminder that a change in the economic situation could spark the political process in a way that is beyond any containment. Suharto was not more corrupt than the Prime Minister of Bahrain whose immediate family members enjoy unlimited privileges and dominate the financial economic sector of the country. A serious political reform is the only way to thwart Indonesian type-upheaval.

Bahrain Freedom Movement

1 June 1998

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